Levan Ramishvili
Toronto Youth Corps, June 7, 1972
updated 9 years ago
Esmond Knight as Jack Cade
An Age of Kings, Ep 11 - The Rabble from Kent, BBC, 1960
Duck Soup, 1933
June 22, 1983
შენი სახელი ლაჟვარდზე ცისარტყელებით წერია,
მტკვრის მოღუღუნე ჩონგურზე ალვები შენზე მღერიან,
რომელი ერთი გიამბო, რა ვქნა, სათქმელი ბევრია,
აქ მარტო ხალხი კი არა, ხეც შენი მადლობელია
თბილისის სტალინის საარჩევნო ოლქის ამომრჩეველთა შეხვედრა სსრ კავშირის უმაღლესი საბჭოს დეპუტატობის კანდიდატ ამხ. ლავრენტი ბერიასთან, 11 მარტი, 1950
From Farewell Address to the Nation
11 January 1989
White House Conference on Small Business, August 15, 1986
Washington, D.C.
December 26, 1941
Romney: Russia, I indicated, is a geopolitical foe. And I said in the same paragraph — I said, 'Iran is the greatest national security threat we face. I have clear eyes on this, I'm not going to wear rose-colored glasses when it comes to Russia or Mr. Putin. I'm I'm certainly not going to say to him, "I'll give you more flexibility after the election.' After the election he'll get more backbone.
Soviet Union is not immune from the reality of what is going on in the world. It has happened in the past -- a small ruling elite either mistakenly attempts to ease domestic unrest through greater repression and foreign adventure, or it chooses a wiser course. It begins to allow its people a voice in their own destiny. Even if this latter process is not realized soon, I believe the renewed strength of the democratic movement, complemented by a global campaign for freedom, will strengthen the prospects for arms control and a world at peace.
I have discussed on other occasions, including my address on May 9th, the elements of Western policies toward the Soviet Union to safeguard our interests and protect the peace. What I am describing now is a plan and a hope for the long term -- the march of freedom and democracy which will leave Marxism-Leninism on the ash-heap of history as it has left other tyrannies which stifle the freedom and muzzle the self-expression of the people.
The transcripts of all three series were published as Mere Christianity.
In the first part, Pope Leo XIII, preceded by his secretary, enters from the right, leaning on a stick and sits down on a chair, followed by another prelate. Against the background of the scene, four Swiss guards kneeling with halberds held to the right welcome the Pope with a military salute and as the Pope waves, they stand up. The Secretary then exchanges words with the Pope who smiles and begins to bless. On the right, you can see a fifth Swiss guard, probably the commander (he does not hold the halberd).
In the second part, shot in the Vatican gardens, the papal carriage enters from the left pulled by a pair of black horses and driven by a coachman with the tuba. To welcome the Pope, some people kneel to the left of the carriage, which stops at the center of the scene. The secretary approaches and invites the Pope to another blessing and the carriage leaves the scene, escorted by three guards on a horseback.
In the third and final scene, Leo XIII arrives at church, welcomed by a kneeling prelate. The Pope enters, hands over his saturno to the secretary and sits down on a bench. He takes off his glasses and fixes the pileolus and starts to bless again.
“George Bernard Shaw reopens capital punishment controversy”, March 5, 1931
Из речи от имени Политбюро ЦК ВКП(б) на торжественном активе НКВД в Большом театре Союза ССР, посвященном 20-летию органов ВЧК-ГПУ-НКВД, 20 декабря 1937 года.
Из речи от имени Политбюро ЦК ВКП(б) на торжественном активе НКВД в Большом театре Союза ССР, посвященном 20-летию органов ВЧК-ГПУ-НКВД, 20 декабря 1937 года.
Из речи от имени Политбюро ЦК ВКП(б) на торжественном активе НКВД в Большом театре Союза ССР, посвященном 20-летию органов ВЧК-ГПУ-НКВД, 20 декабря 1937 года.
Here in America, as we reflect on the many things we have to be grateful for, we should take a moment to recognize that one of the key factors behind our nation's great prosperity is the open trade policy that allows the American people to freely exchange goods and services with free people around the world. The freedom to trade is not a new issue for America. In 1776 our Founding Fathers signed the Declaration of Independence, charging the British with a number of offenses, among them, and I quote, ``cutting off our trade with all parts of the world,'' end quote.
And that same year, a Scottish economist named Adam Smith launched another revolution with a book entitled ``The Wealth of Nations,'' which exposed for all time the folly of protectionism. Over the past 200 years, not only has the argument against tariffs and trade barriers won nearly universal agreement among economists but it has also proven itself in the real world, where we have seen free-trading nations prosper while protectionist countries fall behind.
America's most recent experiment with protectionism was a disaster for the working men and women of this country. When Congress passed the Smoot-Hawley tariff in 1930, we were told that it would protect America from foreign competition and save jobs in this country -- the same line we hear today. The actual result was the Great Depression, the worst economic catastrophe in our history; one out of four Americans were thrown out of work. Two years later, when I cast my first ballot for President, I voted for Franklin Delano Roosevelt, who opposed protectionism and called for the repeal of that disastrous tariff.
Ever since that time, the American people have stayed true to our heritage by rejecting the siren song of protectionism. In recent years, the trade deficit led some misguided politicians to call for protectionism, warning that otherwise we would lose jobs. But they were wrong again. In fact, the United States not only didn't lose jobs, we created more jobs than all the countries of Western Europe, Canada, and Japan combined. The record is clear that when America's total trade has increased, American jobs have also increased. And when our total trade has declined, so have the number of jobs.
Part of the difficulty in accepting the good news about trade is in our words. We too often talk about trade while using the vocabulary of war. In war, for one side to win, the other must lose. But commerce is not warfare. Trade is an economic alliance that benefits both countries. There are no losers, only winners. And trade helps strengthen the free world.
Yet today protectionism is being used by some American politicians as a cheap form of nationalism, a fig leaf for those unwilling to maintain America's military strength and who lack the resolve to stand up to real enemies -- countries that would use violence against us or our allies. Our peaceful trading partners are not our enemies; they are our allies. We should beware of the demagogs who are ready to declare a trade war against our friends -- weakening our economy, our national security, and the entire free world -- all while cynically waving the American flag. The expansion of the international economy is not a foreign invasion; it is an American triumph, one we worked hard to achieve, and something central to our vision of a peaceful and prosperous world of freedom.
After the Second World War, America led the way to dismantle trade barriers and create a world trading system that set the stage for decades of unparalleled economic growth. And in one week, when important multilateral trade talks are held in Montreal, we will be in the forefront of efforts to improve this system. We want to open more markets for our products, to see to it that all nations play by the rules, and to seek improvement in such areas as dispute resolution and agriculture. We also want to bring the benefits of free trade to new areas, including services, investment, and the protection of intellectual property. Our negotiators will be working hard for all of us.
Yes, back in 1776, our Founding Fathers believed that free trade was worth fighting for. And we can celebrate their victory because today trade is at the core of the alliance that secure the peace and guarantee our freedom; it is the source of our prosperity and the path to an even brighter future for America.
Until next week, thanks for listening, and God bless you.
November 26, 1988
The President spoke at 9:06 a.m. from his ranch in Santa Barbara County, CA.
- Они пытались отнять у рабочего класса всего мира самое ценное, самое дорогое - нашего любимого, родного товарища Сталина. Никакой пощады врагам! Расстрелять всех до одного, как бешеных собак!
- Смерть изменникам Родины!
Question: How do you feel at this moment?
Mrs. Thatcher: Very excited, very aware of the responsibilities. Her Majesty The Queen has asked me to form a new administration and I have accepted. It is, of course, the greatest honour that can come to any citizen in a democracy. I know full well the responsibilities that await me as I enter the door of No. 10 and I'll strive unceasingly to try to fulfil the trust and confidence that the British people have placed in me and the things in which I believe.
And I would just like to remember some words of St. Francis of Assisi which I think are really just particularly apt at the moment. ‘Where there is discord, may we bring harmony. Where there is error, may we bring truth. Where there is doubt, may we bring faith. And where there is despair, may we bring hope’ … .
And to all the British people—howsoever they voted—may I say this. Now that the Election is over, may we get together and strive to serve and strengthen the country of which we're so proud to be a part.
Question: Have you got any thoughts, Mrs. Thatcher, at this moment about Mrs. Pankhurst and your own mentor in political life—your own father?
Mrs. Thatcher: Well, of course, I just owe almost everything to my own father. I really do. He brought me up to believe all the things that I do believe and they're just the values on which I've fought the Election. And it's passionately interesting for me that the things that I learned in a small town, in very modest home, are just the things that I believe have won the Election. Gentlemen, you're very kind. May I just go … .
http://www.winstonchurchill.org/resources/speeches/1940-the-finest-hour/128-we-shall-fight-on-the-beaches
ხშირად მე ჩემი მოღვაწეობა წარმომიდგენია ისე, როგორც ჭიანჭველა პატარა, რომელიც ეპოტინება დიდ მარცვალს და მიაქვს. მაგრამ, გამარტოებული მუშაობით მარტო ერთ ადამიანს არაფრის გაკეთება არ შეუძლიან. ეს იყო ჩემი ღრმა რწმენა ყოველთვის, ეს რწმენა არის ამჟამადაც, რომესაც მე უკვე მოხუცებული გახლავართ და, რასაკვირველია, სულ სხვანაირად უნდა ვიმსჯელო, ვიდრე მე ვმსჯელობდი, როდესაც ყმაწვილი ვიყავი.
ცხადი არის ჩემთვის ის რომ, თუ ერთ ჭიანელას არ შეუძლია დიდი საქმის გაკეთება და ის თავისათვის მიეზიდება მხოლოდ, ფუტკარს, ცალკეულს, გამომუშავებული თაფლით შეუძლია მხოლოდ თავისი თავი გამოჰკვებოს, ფუტკრების სკას შეუძლია ადამიანს მისცეს და აძლევს კიდეც იმ თაფლს, რომლითაც ჩვენ ყველანი ვიკვებებით ხოლმე სიამოვნებით.
და თუ ჩემს მოღვაწეობაში, განსაკუთრებით, საუნივერსიტეტო მოღვაწოებაში უკვე საქართველოში, მართლაც ნაყოფიერი შედეგი მოჰყვა, ეს აიხსნება მარტო ჩემი მუშაობით კი არა, არამედ იმით, რომ მე ბედნიერი ვიყავი, რომ გვერდს მიმშვენებდნენ საუკეთესო მუშაკები, საუკეთესო სულისკვეთებით გამსჭვალული, ერთი ნებისყოფის ქვეშე მოქმედნი.
ჩემს მოღვაწეობაში მე ვხელმძღვანელობდი ერთი ხალხური ლექსით, რომელშიაც მშვენივრად არის გამოხატული ქართველი ხალხის ზნეობრივი მოძღვრება იმ აუცილებლობის შესახებ, რომელსაც უნდა ადამიანი აკმაყოფილებდეს: 'კარგი ვარ, იმას ნუ იტყვი, თავს ნუ დაუწყებ ქებასა, კარგი ჩვენც მოგვეწონება, ცუდი არც თავის დედასა.'
როგორ ვიკადრებ მე, რომ თქვენს წინაშე ჩემ შესახებ რამე ვთქვა იმაზე მეტი, რაც სხვებს შეუძლიათ, სთქვან. ეს არც საკადრისია ჩემ მხრივ და არც ამას მიკარნახებს ქართველი ხალხის ზნეობრივი მოძღვრება.
1938 წელი
Suppose that you invent a good guess, calculate the consequences, and discover every time that the consequences you have calculated agree with experiment.
The theory is then right ? No, it is simply not proved wrong. In the future there could be a wider range of experiments, you could compute a wider range of consequences, and you might then discover that the thing is wrong.
That is why laws like Newton’s laws for the motion of planets last such a long time. He guessed the law of gravitation, calculated all kinds of consequences for the solar system and so on, compared them with experiment - and it took several hundred years before the slight error of the motion of Mercury was developed.
During all that time the theory had not been proved wrong, and could be taken temporarily to be right. But it could never be proved right, because tomorrow’s experiment may succeed in proving wrong what you thought was right, wrong. We never are definitely right, we can only be sure we are wrong. However, it is rather remarkable how we can have some ideas which will last so long.
Another thing I must point out is that you cannot prove a vague theory wrong.
If the guess that you make is poorly expressed and rather vague, and the method that you use for figuring out the consequences is a little vague - you are not sure, and you say, I think everything’s right because it’s all due to moogles and moogles do this and that, and I can sort of explain how this works’, then you see that this theory is good, because it cannot be proved wrong!
Also if the process of computing the consequences is indefinite, then with a little skill any experimental results can be made to look like the expected consequences. You are probably familiar with that in other fields.
For example: ‘A’ hates his mother. The reason is, of course, because she did not caress him or love him enough when he was a child.
But if you investigate you find out that as a matter of fact she did love him very much, and everything was all right.
Well then, it was because she was over-indulgent when he was a child!
By having a vague theory it is possible to get either result.
The cure for this one is the following. If it were possible to state exactly, ahead of time, how much love is not enough, and how much love is over-indulgent, then there would be a perfectly legitimate theory against which you could make tests.
It is usually said when this is pointed out, 'When you are dealing with psychological matters things can’t be defined so precisely’.
Yes, but then you can’t claim to know anything about it.
"And then, as if that weren’t enough," the president continued, "you gave the world something different, something in its weariness it desperately needed, the sound of laughter and the sight of the rich, green uplands of freedom."
http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/john_paul_ii/speeches/1987/september/documents/hf_jp-ii_spe_19870915_giovani-los-angeles_en.html
"In the belief that freedom is the most precious of human rights, I gladly sign my name to this Freedom Scroll as evidence of my participation as a free citizen In the Crusade for Freedom, supporting the National Committee for a Free Europe and its striking arm, Radio Free Europe. In so doing, I join hands with millions of other Americans in bringing truth and hope to the courageous freedom-hungry people behind the Iron Curtain."
In one of the most famous orations of the Cold War period, former British Prime Minister condemns the Soviet Union's policies in Europe and declares,that "From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an "Iron Curtain" has descended across the continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia; all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject, in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and in some cases increasing measure of control from Moscow."
Churchill, who had been defeated for re-election as prime minister in 1945, was invited to Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri where he gave this speech. President Harry S. Truman joined Churchill on the platform and listened intently to his speech. Churchill spoke of expansionistic policies of the Soviet Union and warned against "communist fifth columns" that were operating throughout western and southern Europe. Drawing parallels with the disastrous appeasement of Hitler prior to World War II, Churchill advised that in dealing with the Soviets there was "nothing which they admire so much as strength, and there is nothing for which they have less respect than for military weakness."
Full transcript is available at:
http://www.winstonchurchill.org/learn/speeches/speeches-of-winston-churchill/120-the-sinews-of-peace
It was C. S. Lewis who, in his unforgettable ''Screwtape Letters'', wrote: ``The greatest evil is not done now in those sordid `dens of crime' that Dickens loved to paint. It is not even done in concentration camps and labor camps. In those we see its final result. But it is conceived and ordered (moved, seconded, carried and minuted) in clear, carpeted, warmed, and well-lighted offices, by quiet men with white collars and cut fingernails and smooth-shaven cheeks who do not need to raise their voice.''
Well, because these ``quiet men'' do not ``raise their voices,'' because they sometimes speak in soothing tones of brotherhood and peace, because, like other dictators before them, they're always making ``their final territorial demand,'' some would have us accept them at their word and accommodate ourselves to their aggressive impulses. But if history teaches anything, it teaches that simple-minded appeasement or wishful thinking about our adversaries is folly. It means the betrayal of our past, the squandering of our freedom.
So, I urge you to speak out against those who would place the United States in a position of military and moral inferiority. You know, I've always believed that old Screwtape reserved his best efforts for those of you in the church. So, in your discussions of the nuclear freeze proposals, I urge you to beware the temptation of pride -- the temptation of blithely declaring yourselves above it all and label both sides equally at fault, to ignore the facts of history and the aggressive impulses of an evil empire, to simply call the arms race a giant misunderstanding and thereby remove yourself from the struggle between right and wrong and good and evil.
Pope John Paul II
Homily in Mass
Sunday, October 22, 1978.
St.Peter's Square. Rome


