Hezakya Newz & Films
1977 SPECIAL REPORT: SCHOOL LUNCH
updated
#BLACKHISTORY #philadelphia
#chicago
#blackhistory
Some street children, notably in more developed nations, are part of a subcategory called thrown-away children, consisting of children who have been forced to leave home. Thrown-away children are more likely to come from single-parent homes.
Street children are often subject to abuse, neglect, exploitation, or, in extreme cases, murder by "clean-up squads" that have been hired by local businesses or police.
#atlanta
The task force said Redditt may have been removed becuase Philip R. Manuel, an investigator for the Senate Government Operations Committee, apparently notified Memphis police that his staff had received a tip from an informer about a plot to kill a "Negro lieutenant" in Memphis.
Manuel, the task force said, has no "present recollection" of the incident. However, the report added, "He said the events sounded familiar and he believed the Memphis police records were correct."
The report also noted that another black police officer, Willie B. Richmond who also had been assigned to surveillance of King, remained in the firehouse after Redditt's departure and was among those who rushed to the motel after the shot was fired.
The task force said it could not establish clearly the reasons why the two black firemen, Norvell E. Wallace and Floyd E. Newsum, were transferred from the firehouse. It did note, though, that both were strong supporters of the strike by Memphis sanitation workers, most of whom were black, that had drawn King there as a gesture of solidarity.
"Our investigation has not disclosed any evidence that the detail of Wallace and Newsum was in any way connected with the assassination," the report said. It speculated that they might have been transferred because their sympathy for the strikers would have made hostile to what many blacks saw as police efforts to syp on King.
Perhaps the biggest question left unanswered by the report is where Ray got the substantial sums of money that he spent during the year between his escape from a Missouri prison and King's killing. The task force said, "The sources for Ray's funds still remain a mystery today."
In regard to the Hoover-inspired FBI harassment of King, the task force found that there might have been legitimate reasons for investigating him initially, because the FBI had established that one of his advisers at one time had had Communist ties. #MLK #blackhistory
#chicago
Where the only evidence of guilt in a murder case was a confession made by the mentally retarded defendant during custodial interrogation, where complete evidence of the severity of his retardation was not introduced at the trial, although such evidence was before the judge at a voir dire on a motion to suppress the confession, and where there was no evidence, either at the voir dire or at the trial, concerning the effect of the defendant's retardation on his ability to make a voluntary confession.
Four years later, Willie Herenton became the first African American to be appointed superintendent of the Memphis City Schools. Herenton held the position until 1991, when he became the first African American to be elected mayor.
The first BHA housing projects were opened between 1938 and 1942.[6]
Under the tenure of Boston Mayor John F. Collins (1960–1968), the BHA segregated the public housing developments in the city, moving black families into the development at Columbia Point while reserving developments in South Boston for white families who started refusing assignment to the Columbia Point project by the early 1960s.
In 1962, upon receipt of a lawsuit filed by a civil rights group, the West Broadway Housing Development was desegregated after having been designated by the city for white-only occupancy since 1941. In the same year, the Mission Hill project had 1,024 families (all white), while the Mission Hill Extension project across the street had 580 families (of which 500 were black), and in 1967, when the city government agreed to fully desegregate the developments, the projects were still 97 percent white and 98 percent black respectively.
The management and governance of the BHA is different from that of other housing authorities since 1975, when BHA was sued in Boston City Housing Court by a group of BHA tenants, represented by Greater Boston Legal Services, regarding poor conditions in housing projects under the authority's control. As a result of the ruling which was in favor of the tenants, a court-appointed master prepared a report listing recommendations that provided the basis for a consent decree signed in 1977 by BHA, Greater Boston Legal Services and the Boston Public Housing Tenants Policy Council. The decree listed a series of improvements that BHA was supposed to make over the course of three years. The master, responsible for monitoring BHA's compliance with the consent decree, gave approval for all major decisions made by the BHA board and administrator.
In 1979, the judge ruled that BHA had failed to satisfactorily fulfill the terms of the consent decree and BHA was placed in receivership, with its board of commissioners and administrator replaced by a court-appointed receiver. Since 1990, when the receivership ended, BHA has been directed by an administrator whose activities are reviewed by a nine-member monitoring committee appointed by the mayor of Boston. #BOSTON
This resulted in a number of social consequences, such as increasing crime and violence in American inner city neighborhoods, a resulting backlash in the form of tough on crime policies, a massive spike in incarceration rates, and a sharp escalation of the war on drugs.
It's a retort sometimes heard in the context of the protests surrounding the death of George Floyd and Black Lives Matter -- often as the idea that there is a rampant crime problem within Black (and mainly urban) communities that some are choosing to ignore in favor of focusing on police brutality.
#atlanta #blackhistory
The genocide theory finds greatest acceptance among spokesmen for black nationalist and black revolutionary groups, but suspicion of family planning programs is not limited to them. An analysis of black leadership opinion on birth control is provided in this paper.
The black debate over the desirability of population limitation is traced back approximately fifty years. It began with a dispute between those blacks who believed that in sheer numbers there was strength and those blacks, such as W. E. B. DuBois, who argued that among human races, as among vegetables, quality and not quantity counted. An appreciation of the sexual exploitation of the chattel slave in the ante-bellum period, which did not end with emancipation, is also essential to an understanding of the roots and rationale of the genocide notion. #nyc #blackhistory #brooklyn
His body was found in the Pearl River, 20 miles west of Poplarville, 10 days later. Following an investigation by the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the men who killed him were released. Despite confessions, no one was ever indicted for the killing.
Historian Howard Smead called the killing the "last classic lynching in America."
#blackhistory
It was signed into law by President Lyndon B. Johnson during the height of the civil rights movement on August 6, 1965, and Congress later amended the Act five times to expand its protections.
Designed to enforce the voting rights protected by the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the United States Constitution, the Act sought to secure the right to vote for racial minorities throughout the country, especially in the South. According to the U.S. Department of Justice, the Act is considered to be the most effective piece of federal civil rights legislation ever enacted in the country.
It is also "one of the most far-reaching pieces of civil rights legislation in U.S. history."
The National Archives and Records Administration stated: "The Voting Rights Act of 1965 was the most significant statutory change in the relationship between the federal and state governments in the area of voting since the Reconstruction period following the Civil War".
The act contains numerous provisions that regulate elections. The act's "general provisions" provide nationwide protections for voting rights. Section 2 is a general provision that prohibits state and local government from imposing any voting rule that "results in the denial or abridgement of the right of any citizen to vote on account of race or color" or membership in a language minority group.
Other general provisions specifically outlaw literacy tests and similar devices that were historically used to disenfranchise racial minorities. The act also contains "special provisions" that apply to only certain jurisdictions. A core special provision is the Section 5 preclearance requirement, which prohibited certain jurisdictions from implementing any change affecting voting without first receiving confirmation from the U.S. attorney general or the U.S. District Court for D.C. that the change does not discriminate against protected minorities.
Another special provision requires jurisdictions containing significant language minority populations to provide bilingual ballots and other election materials.
Section 5 and most other special provisions applied to jurisdictions encompassed by the "coverage formula" prescribed in Section 4(b). The coverage formula was originally designed to encompass jurisdictions that engaged in egregious voting discrimination in 1965, and Congress updated the formula in 1970 and 1975. In Shelby County v. Holder (2013), the U.S. Supreme Court struck down the coverage formula as unconstitutional, reasoning that it was obsolete.
The court did not strike down Section 5, but without a coverage formula, Section 5 is unenforceable.
The jurisdictions which had previously been covered by the coverage formula massively increased the rate of voter registration purges after the Shelby decision.
In 2021, the Brnovich v. Democratic National Committee Supreme Court ruling reinterpreted Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, substantially weakening it.
The ruling interpreted the "totality of circumstances" language of Section 2 to mean that it does not generally prohibit voting rules that have disparate impact on the groups that it sought to protect, including a rule blocked under Section 5 before the Court inactivated that section in Shelby County v. Holder.
In particular, the ruling held that fears of election fraud could justify such rules, even without evidence that any such fraud had occurred in the past or that the new rule would make elections safer.
Research shows that the Act had successfully and massively increased voter turnout and voter registrations, in particular among black people.
The Act has also been linked to concrete outcomes, such as greater public goods provision (such as public education) for areas with higher black population shares, more members of Congress who vote for civil rights-related legislation, and greater Black representation in local offices.
#blackhistory
And chief among these, of course, are the immigrants themselves. By tradition and practice, America has not penalized immigrants. Assimilation has been the nation's glory; the phrase ''a nation of immigrants'' is a cliche. Immigrants have met hostility and resentment, but our institutions have been flexible enough to accept them. Immigrants, in turn, have accepted our institutions.
Thus a problem: What if immigrants decline to learn English? Bill Moyers, the CBS correspondent, reminds us that the United States is now the seventh-largest Spanish-speaking country. Dade County in Florida spends $18 million each year on bilingual education, and still graduates students who do not speak English. They do not need to. It is possible to live in Florida, and prosper, entirely in Spanish.
More on U.S. Immigration.
By 1968, while at its peak of popularity, soul began to fragment into different subgenres. Artists such as James Brown and Sly and the Family Stone evolved into funk music, while other singers such as Marvin Gaye, Stevie Wonder, Curtis Mayfield and Al Green developed slicker, more sophisticated and in some cases more politically conscious varieties of the genre.
However, soul music continued to evolve, informing most subsequent forms of R&B from the 1970s-onward, with pockets of musicians continuing to perform in traditional soul style.
Terrorists continue to perform acts of terrorism including the hijack of TWA Flight 847 and the Italian Cruise Liner "Achille Lauro ". Famine in Ethiopia is shown more on TV News in July and Live Aid concerts around the world raise many millions to help the starving in Africa and the pop industry in US joins together to sing "We Are The World". #1980s
Sadly, this means you will need to take more of the drug to experience the same high. Eventually, your brain and body will crave the drug just to feel normal and functional. Feeling sick, frightened, anxious, or irritable without the drug is inevitable. You will no longer experience the feeling of euphoria you first had when you started the drug. Although drug usage typically starts as a form of escapism, it can quickly ruin your life. Here is a list of the six most common feel-good drugs that will result in a crash.
Dataveillance is the tracking of metadata. The NSA does listen to people's conversations, which is what we traditionally think “wiretapping” is, but far more often the NSA tracks the data of those conversations. What's important isn't necessarily what you said on the phone but who you called, when you called, where your phone is, the metadata of your financial transactions—that sort of stuff. They triangulate a million different data points and they can come to a very clear understanding of what has happened.
But one of the areas in which there is a continuity from even the earliest days of wiretapping, is the extent to which telecommunications industries are complicit in the rise of a surveillance state and the extent to which surveillance data flows between the telecommunication infrastructure and the infrastructure of American law enforcement. The easiest way for law enforcement to tap wires in the 1920s in the service of the war on alcohol wasn’t to actually go and physically tap a wire but to listen in through the Bell System central exchange. Bell publicly resisted complicity in that arrangement, but that's what happened. It’s the same today.
Yet people are willing to let companies eavesdrop on them.
Those smart speakers? They are essentially wiretaps. They are constantly listening. It’s a new type of corporate surveillance: If they listen to you, they can get you what you want, when you want. People like that. But where else will that data go?
What will happen next?
Historians are not in the business of prognostication, but the one thing that I can say with some certainty is that electronic surveillance and dataveillance are going to scale. They will be more global and more instantaneous. I can say with much more certainty that that public attention to these issues will wax and wane. This is one of the things that is so striking about the history of wiretapping in the United States: It has never been a secret, but it’s only every 10 to 15 years that there is a major public scandal surrounding it. There are these brief moments of outrage and then there are these long moments of complacency, like now, and that is one thing that has enabled surveillance to persist in the way that it does.
A report in The New York Times described that the flushness of money and growth during these years had spawned a drug culture of sorts, with a rampant acceptance of cocaine use although the overall percent of actual users was most likely small. A reporter wrote:
The Wall Street drug dealer looked like many other successful young female executives. Stylishly dressed and wearing designer sunglasses, she sat in her 1983 Chevrolet Camaro in a no-parking zone across the street from the Marine Midland Bank branch on lower Broadway.
The customer in the passenger seat looked like a successful young businessman. But as the dealer slipped him a heat-sealed plastic envelope of cocaine and he passed her cash, the transaction was being watched through the sunroof of her car by Federal drug agents in a nearby building. And the customer — an undercover agent himself -was learning the ways, the wiles and the conventions of Wall Street's drug subculture.
— Peter Kerr in The New York Times, 1987.
In 1987, the stock market plunged, and, in the relatively brief recession following, the surrounding area lost 100,000 jobs according to one estimate.
Since telecommunications costs were coming down, banks and brokerage firms could move away from the Financial District to more affordable locations.
One of the firms looking to move away was the NYSE. In 1998, the NYSE and the city struck a $900 million deal which kept the NYSE from moving across the river to Jersey City; the deal was described as the "largest in city history to prevent a corporation from leaving town". #wallstreet
--1968 Peabody Digest. Jim Jensen opens the program and introduces each segment. Chet Curtis' report on law enforcement includes interview with black Police Captain Edward Williams and footage of a junior police patrol meeting and of Frank Grant, Mayor Addonizio's representative in the Central Ward, listening to residents' complaints. Harry Arouh's report on housing includes footage of slums and interview with Dr. George Sternlieb of Rutgers. Jeanne Parr's report on education includes interviews with 2nd grade teacher Peter Paglia and former teacher George Burke. Earl Ubell reports on the shortage of medical care; includes interview with Dr. Aaron Haskin and footage of hospitals and clinics. John Quirt says that Newark's economic situation is no worse than before the riots; his report includes interviews with Henry Connor and Gil Bushburg. Jerome Wilson's report on politics includes interviews with Mayor Addonizio and with mayoral hopeful Kenneth Gibson.
#NEWARK
Preceded by a warning that the program deals with such subjects as murder, assault, rape and child abuse. and that some viewers, “especially children, may be disturbed by portions of it,” the barrage of evidence is overwhelming. Nothing new is uncovered, but the sheer quantity of material may constitute therapeutic shock value.
‘With Edwin Newman as host, the program dabbles briefly in the formal sociology of comparing primitive tribes. The broad question of whether aggresdive tendencies are inherited or acquired is posed, but then is left largely unexplored, as the focus is narrowed to enumerating instances of violence in the family, in urban areas and, increasingly, in formerly “safe” rural settings.
Linda Ellerbee is the reporter for the family section. The statistics are predictably unsettling: Half of all murders are family affairs; parents kill more of their children than do accidents or such diseases as leukemia or cerebral palsy; abused children are likely to become ohild abusers, programmed into violence like computers.
Carl Stokes analyzes the “subculture of violence” in major cities, concentrating on Detroit. Members of this subculture are generally young, poor and black. Outside the normal boundaries of money and power, according to Mr. Stokes, these people tend to prove their “being a man” by means of violence. One result: “Black men kill and are killed at 10 times the national rate.”
Travelling to the small town of Friendship, Wis., Floyd Kalber finds that “seemingly senseless murders are happening in rural areas at a phenomenal rate.” Criminals are becoming more brazen and vicious, and younger and younger. The townspeople blame their new troubles on “outsiders.” Some see television as a factor, creating the impression that other people live differently—that is, more affluently—than they do.
The last major section deals with “violence for fun and profit,” for entertainment ranging from sports to movies to television itself, and its widely noted addiction to “action” shows. As Joseph Wambaugh, the writer, notes: “We never use the word ‘violence’ in this industry—it's called action.” A couple of the NBC polls in this area, though, are intriguing. Are sports too violent? 65 percent of the respondents say no. Are television and the movies too violent 72 percent say yes. Furthermore, 70 percent believe that television and movies encourage violence.
If all this basic material generates its own peculiar fascination, the production context tends to be uneven. An opening collage, moving from an elderly man feeding pigeons to brief glimpses, of contemporary violence in its myriad forms, set to the sounds of Paul McCartney's “Live and Let Die,” is visually stunning. But a recording of a Tom Lehrer satirical song on Brotherhood Week and a dance sequence about a classroom, while pleasant enough in isolation, are pointless within the overall essay.
And, finally, the important questions raised are answered with generalities.
In some cases we just don't know, but “we should be able to learn.” In others, the message is gently implied. “You buy the tickets, read the books, turn the dials,” Mr. Newman reminds the audience, “you are the ones paying for it.”
A concluding essay offers a profile of an attractive 14‐year‐old boy named Benjy, who “don't feel nothing about” the possibility of killing someone, or who talks about pouring Drano down a lady's throat like a character in the film “Magnum Force.” Why are there so many Benjys, the program asks. “If we don't want a violent society, we'd better find out,” it warns.
Coming from a medium that is probably very much part of the problem, that warning and this three‐hour treatment of “Violence in America” is significant and encouraging. Following the 11 o'clock news, the violence special will be used for a live panel discussion on the subject and the program runs from 11:30 to midnight.
Preceded by a warning that the program deals with such subjects as murder, assault, rape and child abuse. and that some viewers, “especially children, may be disturbed by portions of it,” the barrage of evidence is overwhelming. Nothing new is uncovered, but the sheer quantity of material may constitute therapeutic shock value.
‘With Edwin Newman as host, the program dabbles briefly in the formal sociology of comparing primitive tribes. The broad question of whether aggresdive tendencies are inherited or acquired is posed, but then is left largely unexplored, as the focus is narrowed to enumerating instances of violence in the family, in urban areas and, increasingly, in formerly “safe” rural settings.
Linda Ellerbee is the reporter for the family section. The statistics are predictably unsettling: Half of all murders are family affairs; parents kill more of their children than do accidents or such diseases as leukemia or cerebral palsy; abused children are likely to become ohild abusers, programmed into violence like computers.
Carl Stokes analyzes the “subculture of violence” in major cities, concentrating on Detroit. Members of this subculture are generally young, poor and black. Outside the normal boundaries of money and power, according to Mr. Stokes, these people tend to prove their “being a man” by means of violence. One result: “Black men kill and are killed at 10 times the national rate.”
Travelling to the small town of Friendship, Wis., Floyd Kalber finds that “seemingly senseless murders are happening in rural areas at a phenomenal rate.” Criminals are becoming more brazen and vicious, and younger and younger. The townspeople blame their new troubles on “outsiders.” Some see television as a factor, creating the impression that other people live differently—that is, more affluently—than they do.
The last major section deals with “violence for fun and profit,” for entertainment ranging from sports to movies to television itself, and its widely noted addiction to “action” shows. As Joseph Wambaugh, the writer, notes: “We never use the word ‘violence’ in this industry—it's called action.” A couple of the NBC polls in this area, though, are intriguing. Are sports too violent? 65 percent of the respondents say no. Are television and the movies too violent 72 percent say yes. Furthermore, 70 percent believe that television and movies encourage violence.
If all this basic material generates its own peculiar fascination, the production context tends to be uneven. An opening collage, moving from an elderly man feeding pigeons to brief glimpses, of contemporary violence in its myriad forms, set to the sounds of Paul McCartney's “Live and Let Die,” is visually stunning. But a recording of a Tom Lehrer satirical song on Brotherhood Week and a dance sequence about a classroom, while pleasant enough in isolation, are pointless within the overall essay.
And, finally, the important questions raised are answered with generalities.
In some cases we just don't know, but “we should be able to learn.” In others, the message is gently implied. “You buy the tickets, read the books, turn the dials,” Mr. Newman reminds the audience, “you are the ones paying for it.”
A concluding essay offers a profile of an attractive 14‐year‐old boy named Benjy, who “don't feel nothing about” the possibility of killing someone, or who talks about pouring Drano down a lady's throat like a character in the film “Magnum Force.” Why are there so many Benjys, the program asks. “If we don't want a violent society, we'd better find out,” it warns.
Coming from a medium that is probably very much part of the problem, that warning and this three‐hour treatment of “Violence in America” is significant and encouraging. Following the 11 o'clock news, the violence special will be used for a live panel discussion on the subject and the program runs from 11:30 to midnight.
Preceded by a warning that the program deals with such subjects as murder, assault, rape and child abuse. and that some viewers, “especially children, may be disturbed by portions of it,” the barrage of evidence is overwhelming. Nothing new is uncovered, but the sheer quantity of material may constitute therapeutic shock value.
‘With Edwin Newman as host, the program dabbles briefly in the formal sociology of comparing primitive tribes. The broad question of whether aggresdive tendencies are inherited or acquired is posed, but then is left largely unexplored, as the focus is narrowed to enumerating instances of violence in the family, in urban areas and, increasingly, in formerly “safe” rural settings.
Linda Ellerbee is the reporter for the family section. The statistics are predictably unsettling: Half of all murders are family affairs; parents kill more of their children than do accidents or such diseases as leukemia or cerebral palsy; abused children are likely to become ohild abusers, programmed into violence like computers.
Carl Stokes analyzes the “subculture of violence” in major cities, concentrating on Detroit. Members of this subculture are generally young, poor and black. Outside the normal boundaries of money and power, according to Mr. Stokes, these people tend to prove their “being a man” by means of violence. One result: “Black men kill and are killed at 10 times the national rate.”
Travelling to the small town of Friendship, Wis., Floyd Kalber finds that “seemingly senseless murders are happening in rural areas at a phenomenal rate.” Criminals are becoming more brazen and vicious, and younger and younger. The townspeople blame their new troubles on “outsiders.” Some see television as a factor, creating the impression that other people live differently—that is, more affluently—than they do.
The last major section deals with “violence for fun and profit,” for entertainment ranging from sports to movies to television itself, and its widely noted addiction to “action” shows. As Joseph Wambaugh, the writer, notes: “We never use the word ‘violence’ in this industry—it's called action.” A couple of the NBC polls in this area, though, are intriguing. Are sports too violent? 65 percent of the respondents say no. Are television and the movies too violent 72 percent say yes. Furthermore, 70 percent believe that television and movies encourage violence.
If all this basic material generates its own peculiar fascination, the production context tends to be uneven. An opening collage, moving from an elderly man feeding pigeons to brief glimpses, of contemporary violence in its myriad forms, set to the sounds of Paul McCartney's “Live and Let Die,” is visually stunning. But a recording of a Tom Lehrer satirical song on Brotherhood Week and a dance sequence about a classroom, while pleasant enough in isolation, are pointless within the overall essay.
And, finally, the important questions raised are answered with generalities.
In some cases we just don't know, but “we should be able to learn.” In others, the message is gently implied. “You buy the tickets, read the books, turn the dials,” Mr. Newman reminds the audience, “you are the ones paying for it.”
A concluding essay offers a profile of an attractive 14‐year‐old boy named Benjy, who “don't feel nothing about” the possibility of killing someone, or who talks about pouring Drano down a lady's throat like a character in the film “Magnum Force.” Why are there so many Benjys, the program asks. “If we don't want a violent society, we'd better find out,” it warns.
Coming from a medium that is probably very much part of the problem, that warning and this three‐hour treatment of “Violence in America” is significant and encouraging. Following the 11 o'clock news, the violence special will be used for a live panel discussion on the subject and the program runs from 11:30 to midnight.
Mr. Rivera supplies the grim basic statistics. Of the estimated, perhaps underestimated, 600,000 heroin addicts in the country, at least halt live in New York City.
“In 1966 about 300 addicted babies were born here. By 1972 it was around 1,500. Right now 1 out of every 40 babies born in city hospitals is born a heroin addict. And in some hospitals it is as high as 1 in 25,” Mr. Rivera says.
The program, produced by Mr. Rivera and Martin Berman, shows several metropolitan hospitals, and the opening scenes include the birth of a heroin‐addicted baby and its subsequent withdrawal convulsions. Most of “The Littlest Junkie” is a horror story. Viewers are warned at the beginning that it may not be for children and could be especially unpleasant for pregnant women.
Little or no sympathy is sought for adult addicts. Interviews with several‐ generally reflect their incomprehension, helplessness or ignorance. One social caseworker recounts instances of parents actually “shooting up” a baby to keep it quiet.
Most of the addicts seen on the programs are black, but Mr. Rivera stresses that the problem crosses racial, social and economic lines. He estimates that a total of 30 per cent to 40 per cent of the addicted infants are white, Puerto Rican or Oriental.
Concern is centered on the newborn infant, the “complëtely innocent addict.” Until recently, most went untreated and, 93 per cent died. Over 30 per cent still die. There are no, programs, Mr. Rivera charges, for following up the long‐term effects of addiction at birth. Programs for prenatal and post‐operative care are inadequate, one of the few exceptions being the constantry impoverished Odyssey, House.
The issue is complicated. An addict's withdrawal during pregnancy might trigger withdrawal convulsion in the womb and the child could kick himself to death. As for methadone, a heroinsubstitute for addicts, Mr. Rivera notes that infant withdrawal from methadone could be even more severe than from heroin.
One professional observer says that the entire problem is more social than medical. Whatever the label, the prob, lem is graphically delineated “The Littlest Junkie.” Attention, quite obviously, must be paid.
Mr. Rivera's presentation is succinctly straightforward and represents an encouraging retreat from some of the more emotional approaches he has peen taking recently on such subjects as old age and migrant workers. As an admitted “advocacy” journalist, Mr. Rivera tends toward social issues inherently charged with emotion. Those issues don't, need repotorial tugging at the heartstrings. The viewer should remember the subject, not the reporter's performance. Few viewers are likely to forget “The Littlest Junkie.”
#nyc
As leader, Wallace Muhammad launched what he called a "Second Resurrection" in the movement.
He increasingly aligned the group with Sunni Islam, rejecting many of the Nation's idiosyncratic teachings, including its claim that Fard was God, that Elijah Muhammad had been a prophet, the Myth of Yakub, and the claims about the Mother Plane. He retained the Nation's themes of black pride, healthy diets, sexual modesty, and economic self-determination. "Temples" were renamed "mosques", while "ministers" were renamed "imams". The FOI was disbanded, with Wallace calling it a "hooligan outfit". Black nationalism was abandoned, and the ban on white people joining the Nation was lifted.
In November 1976, the Nation was renamed the World Community of al-Islam in the West, and in April 1978, it was renamed the American Muslim Mission.
Wallace Muhammad also renamed himself, first to Warith Deen and then to Warithuddin Muhammad.
Wallace Muhammad claimed that these changes were in accordance with his father's intentions; he claimed to be in contact with Fard Muhammad, and that the founder had established the NOI's idiosyncratic beliefs as a means of gradually introducing Islamic teachings to African Americans, with the ultimate intention of bringing them to mainstream Sunni Islam.
He claimed that the Nation's old belief that the white man was the Devil referred to mental whiteness, a state that is rebelling against Allah, rather than light-skinned people themselves.
Most mosques remained with Wallace Muhammad during these reforms but some mosques rejected them, seeking to return to the group's original teachings; small splinter groups emerged in Detroit, Atlanta, and Baltimore.
In 1985, Wallace Muhammad disbanded the organization, telling his followers to affiliate instead with their local mosques.
#MALCOMX
Wallace Muhammad had had a strained relationship with his father and his father's teachings; while imprisoned in the early 1960s he had moved closer to Sunni Islam and had left the Nation on several occasions during the 1960s and 1970s, having re-joined in 1974.
As leader, Wallace Muhammad launched what he called a "Second Resurrection" in the movement.
He increasingly aligned the group with Sunni Islam, rejecting many of the Nation's idiosyncratic teachings, including its claim that Fard was God, that Elijah Muhammad had been a prophet, the Myth of Yakub, and the claims about the Mother Plane. He retained the Nation's themes of black pride, healthy diets, sexual modesty, and economic self-determination. "Temples" were renamed "mosques", while "ministers" were renamed "imams".
The FOI was disbanded, with Wallace calling it a "hooligan outfit".
Black nationalism was abandoned, and the ban on white people joining the Nation was lifted.
In November 1976, the Nation was renamed the World Community of al-Islam in the West, and in April 1978, it was renamed the American Muslim Mission.
Wallace Muhammad also renamed himself, first to Warith Deen and then to Warithuddin Muhammad.
Wallace Muhammad claimed that these changes were in accordance with his father's intentions;[328] he claimed to be in contact with Fard Muhammad, and that the founder had established the NOI's idiosyncratic beliefs as a means of gradually introducing Islamic teachings to African Americans, with the ultimate intention of bringing them to mainstream Sunni Islam.
He claimed that the Nation's old belief that the white man was the Devil referred to mental whiteness, a state that is rebelling against Allah, rather than light-skinned people themselves.
Most mosques remained with Wallace Muhammad during these reforms but some mosques rejected them, seeking to return to the group's original teachings small splinter groups emerged in Detroit, Atlanta, and Baltimore.
In 1985, Wallace Muhammad disbanded the organization, telling his followers to affiliate instead with their local mosques.
The Woodstock festival had taken place in Bethel, New York, in mid-August, almost four months earlier.
The event is remembered for its use of Hells Angels as security and its significant violence, including the stabbing death of Meredith Hunter and three accidental deaths: two from a hit-and-run car accident, and one from an LSD-induced drowning in an irrigation canal.
Scores were injured, numerous cars were stolen (and subsequently abandoned), and there was extensive property damage.
The concert featured performances (in order of appearance) by Santana, Jefferson Airplane, the Flying Burrito Brothers, and Crosby, Stills, Nash & Young (CSNY), with the Rolling Stones taking the stage as the final act.
The Grateful Dead were also scheduled to perform after CSNY, but shortly before their scheduled appearance, they chose not to due to the increasing violence at the venue. "That's the way things went at Altamont—so badly that the Grateful Dead, the prime organizers and movers of the festival, didn't even get to play," wrote staff at Rolling Stone magazine in a detailed narrative on the event, terming it, in an additional follow-up piece, "rock and roll's all-time worst day, December 6th, a day when everything went perfectly wrong."
Filmmakers Albert and David Maysles shot footage of the event and incorporated it into the 1970 documentary film titled Gimme Shelter.
The lack of evidence of life beyond Earth doesn’t mean we don’t have any idea what could or should be out there. The more we learn about the Cosmos — from the planets and moons in our Solar System to the great expanse beyond — the more confident we become that alien life must be out there.
Lots of people believe in aliens, although this belief tends to be based on movies and UFO claims. But science provides insights for the likelihood that we’re not alone in the Universe, and can answer some of the biggest questions people might have about what kind of life is most likely to actually be out there.
#UFOS
#NYC #rikersisland
Homicide is the third leading cause of death in people aged 15–29 years, and the vast majority of homicides involve male victims.
For each young person killed, many more sustain injuries requiring hospital treatment.
When it is not fatal, youth violence has a serious, often lifelong, impact on a person's physical, psychological and social functioning.


